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The future of particle physics: what can the past teach us?

25 février 2026 à 12:00

In his opening remarks to the 4th International Symposium on the History of Particle Physics, Chris Llewellyn Smith – who was a director-general of CERN in the 1990s – suggested participants should speak about “what’s not written in the journals”, including “mistakes, dead-ends and problems with getting funding”. Doing so, he said, would “provide insight into the way science really progresses”.

The symposium was not your usual science conference. Held last November at CERN, it took place inside the lab’s 400-seat main auditorium, which has been the venue for many historic announcements, including the discovery of the Higgs boson. Its brown-beige walls are covered with lively designs by the Finnish artist Ilona Rista, suggesting to me the aftermath of a collision of high-energy bar codes.

The 1980s and 1990s saw the construction and operation of various important accelerators and detectors.

The focus of the meeting was the development of particle physics in the 1980s and 1990s – a period that saw the construction and operation of various important accelerators and detectors. At CERN, these included the UA1 and UA2 experiments at the Super Proton Synchrotron, where the W and Z bosons were discovered. Later, there was the Large Electron-Positron Collider (LEP), which came online in 1989, and the Large Hadron Collider (LHC), approved five years later.

Delegates also heard about the opening of various accelerators in the US during those two decades, including two at the Stanford Linear Accelerator Center – the Positron-Electron Project in 1980 and the Stanford Linear Collider in 1989. Most famous of all was the start-up of the Tevatron at Fermilab in 1983. Over at Dubna in the former Soviet Union, meanwhile, scientists built the Nuclotron, a superconducting synchrotron, which opened in 1992.

Conference speakers covered unfinished machines of the era as well. The US cancelled two proton–proton facilities – ISABELLE in 1983 and the Superconducting Super Collider (SSC) a decade later. The Soviet Union, meanwhile, abandoned the multi-TeV proton–proton collider UNK a few years later, though news has recently emerged that Russia might revive the project.

Several speakers recounted the discovery of the W and Z particles at CERN in 1983 and the discovery of the top quark at Fermilab in 1995. Others addressed the strange fact that fewer neutrinos from the Sun had been detected than theory suggested. The “solar-neutrino problem”, as it was known, was finally resolved by Takaaki Kajita’s discovery of neutrino oscillation in 1998, for which he shared the 2015 Nobel Prize for Physics with Art McDonald.

The conference also addressed unsuccessful searches for proton decay, axions, magnetic monopoles, the Higgs boson, supersymmetry particles and other targets. Other speakers described projects with highly positive outcomes, such as the advent of particle cosmology, or what some have jokingly dubbed “the heavenly lab”. The development of string theory, grand unified theories and perturbative quantum chromodynamics was tackled too.

In an exchange in the question-and-answer session after one talk, the Greek physicist Kostas Gavroglu referred to many of such quests as “failures”. That remark prompted the Australian-born US theoretical physicist Helen Quinn to say she preferred the term “falling forward”; such failures, she said, were instances of “I tried this, and it didn’t work so I tried that”.

In relating his work on detecting gravitational waves, the US Nobel-prize-winning physicist Barry Barish said he felt his charge was not to celebrate the importance of his discoveries nor the ingenuity of the route he took. Instead, Barish explained, his job was to answer the much more informal question: “What made me do what?”.

His point was illustrated by the US theorist Alan Guth, who described the very human and serendipitous path he took to working on cosmic inflation – the super-fast expansion of the universe just after the Big Bang. When he started, Guth said, “all the ingredients were already invented”. But the startling idea of inflation hinged on accidental meetings, chance conversations, unexpected visits, a restricted word count for Physical Review Letters, competitions, insecurities and “spectacular realizations” coalescing.

Wider world

Another theme that arose in the conference was that science does not unfold inside its own bubble but can have extensive and immediate impacts on the world around it. Two speakers, for instance, recounted the invention of the World Wide Web at CERN in the late 1980s. It’s fair to say that no other discovery by a single individual – Tim Berners-Lee – has so radically and quickly transformed the world.

The growing role of international politics in promoting and protecting projects was mentioned too, with various speakers explaining how high-level political negotiations enabled physicists to work at institutions and experiments in other nations. The Polish physicist Agnieszka Zalewska, for example, described her country’s path to membership in CERN, while Russian-born US physicist Vladimir Shiltsev spoke about the “diaspora” of Russian particle physicists after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991.

As a result of the Superconducting Super Colllider’s controversial closure, the centre of gravity of high-energy physics shifted to Europe.

Sometimes politics created destructive interference. The US physicist, historian and author Michael Riordan described how the US’s determination to “go it alone” to outcompete Europe in high-energy physics was a major factor in bringing about the opposite: the termination of the SSC in 1993. As a result of that project’s controversial closure, the centre of gravity of high-energy physics shifted to Europe.

Indeed, contemporary politics occasionally hit the conference itself in incongruous and ironic ways. Two US physicists, for example, were denied permission to attend because budgets had been cut and travel restrictions increased. In the end, one took personal time off and paid his own way, leaving his affiliation off the programme.

Before the conference, some people complained that conference organizers hadn’t paid enough attention to physicists who’d worked in the Soviet Union but were from occupied republics. Several speakers addressed this shortcoming by mentioning people like Gersh Budker (1918–1977). A Ukrainian-born physicist who worked and died in the Soviet Union, Budker was nominated for a Nobel Prize (1957) and even has had a street named after him at CERN. Unmentioned, though, was that Budker was Jewish and that his father was killed by Ukrainian nationalists in a pogrom.

On the final day of the conference, which just happened to be World Science Day for Peace and Development, CERN mounted a public screening of the 2025 documentary film The Peace Particle. Directed by Alex Kiehl, much of it was about CERN’s internationalism, with a poster for the film describing the lab as “Mankind’s biggest experiment…science for peace in a divided world”.

But in the Q&A afterwards some audience members criticized CERN for allegedly whitewashing Russia for its invasion of the Ukraine and Israel for genocide. Those onstage defended CERN on the grounds of its desire to promote internationalism.

The critical point

The keynote speaker of the conference was John Krige, a science historian from Georgia Tech who has worked on a three-volume history of CERN. Those who launched the lab, Krige reminded the audience, had radical “scientific, political and cultural aspirations” for the institution. Their dream was that CERN wouldn’t just revive European science and promote regional collaborative effects after the Second World War, but also potentially improve the global world order too.

Krige went on to quote one CERN founder, who’d said that international science facilities such as CERN would be “one of the best ways of saving Western civilization”. Recent events, however, have shown just how fragile those ambitions are. Alluding to CERN’s Future Circular Collider and other possible projects, Llewellyn Smith ended his closing remarks with a warning.

“The perennial hope that the next big high-energy project will be genuinely global,” he said, “seems to be receding over the horizon due to the polarization of world politics”.

The post The future of particle physics: what can the past teach us? appeared first on Physics World.

The obscure physics theory that helped Chinese science emerge from the shadows

21 janvier 2026 à 12:00

“The Straton Model of elementary particles had very limited influence in the West,” said Jinyan Liu as she sat with me in a quiet corner of the CERN cafeteria. Liu, who I caught up with during a break in a recent conference on the history of particle physics, was referring to a particular model of elementary particle physics first put together in China in the mid-1960s. The Straton Model was, and still largely is, unknown outside that country. “But it was an essential step forward,” Liu added, “for Chinese physicists in joining the international community.”

Liu was at CERN to give a talk on how Chinese theorists redirected their research efforts in the years after the Cultural Revolution, which ended in 1976. They switched from the Straton Model, which was a politically infused theory of matter favoured by Mao Zedong, the founder of the People’s Republic of China, to mainstream particle physics as practised by the rest of the world. It’s easy to portray the move as the long-overdue moment when Chinese scientists resumed their “real” physics research. But, Liu told me, “actually it was much more complicated”.

A physicist by training, Liu received her PhD on contemporary theories of spontaneous charge-parity (CP) violation from the Institute of Theoretical Physics at the Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS) in 2013. She then switched to the CAS Institute for the History of Natural Sciences, where she was its first member with a physics PhD. Her initial research topic was the history and development of the Straton Model.

The model is essentially a theory of the structure of hadrons – either baryons (such as protons and neutrons) or mesons (such as pions and kaons). But the model’s origins are as improbable as they are labyrinthine. Mao, who had a keen interest in natural science, was convinced that matter was infinitely divisible, and in 1963 he came across an article by the Marxist-inspired Japanese physicist Shoichi Sakata (1911–1970).

First published in Japanese in 1961 and later translated into Russian, Sakata’s paper was entitled “Dialogues concerning a new view of elementary particles”. It restated Sakata’s belief, which he had been working on since the 1950s, that hadrons are made of smaller constituents – “elementary particles are not the ultimate elements of matter” as he put it. With some Chinese scholars back then still paying close attention to publications from the Soviet Union, their former political and ideological ally, that paper was then translated into Chinese.

Mao Zedong was engrossed in Shoichi Sakata’s paper, for it seemed to offer scientific support for his own views.

This version appeared in the Bulletin of the Studies of Dialectics of Nature in 1963. Mao, who received an issue of that bulletin from his son-in-law, was engrossed in Sakata’s paper, for it seemed to offer scientific support for his own views. Sakata’s article – both in the original Japanese and now in Chinese – cited Friedrich Engels’ view that matter has numerous stages of discrete but qualitatively different parts. In addition, it quoted Lenin’s remark that “even the electron is inexhaustible”.

A wider dimension

“International politics now also entered,” Liu told me, as we discussed the issue further at CERN. A split between China and the Soviet Union had begun to open up in the late 1950s, with Mao breaking off relations with the Soviet Union and starting to establish non-governmental science and technology exchanges between China and Japan. Indeed, when China hosted the Peking Symposium of foreign scientists in 1964, Japan brought the biggest delegation, with Sakata as its leader.

At the event, Mao personally congratulated Sakata on his theory. It was, Sakata later recalled, “the most unforgettable moment of my journey to China”. In 1965, Sakata’s paper was retranslated from the Japanese original, with an annotated version published in Red Flag and the newspaper Renmin ribao, or “People’s Daily”, both official organs of the Chinese Communist Party.

Chinese physicists realized that they could capitalize on Mao’s enthusiasm to make elementary particle physics a legitimate research direction.

Chinese physicists, who had been assigned to work on the atomic bomb and other research deemed important by the Communist Party, now started to take note. Uninterested in philosophy, they realized that they could capitalize on Mao’s enthusiasm to make elementary particle physics a legitimate research direction.

As a result, 39 members of CAS, Peking University and the University of Science and Technology of China formed the Beijing Elementary Particle Group. Between 1965 and 1966, they wrote dozens of papers on a model of hadrons inspired by both Sakata’s work and quark theory based on the available experimental data. It was dubbed the Straton Model because it involved layers or “strata” of particles nested in each other.

Liu has interviewed most surviving members of the group and studied details of the model. It differed from the model being developed at the time by the US theorist Murray Gell-Mann, which saw quarks as not physical but mathematical elements. As Liu discovered, Chinese particle physicists were now given resources they’d never had before. In particular, they could use computers, which until then had been devoted to urgent national defence work. “To be honest,” Liu chuckled, “the elementary particle physicists didn’t use computers much, but at least they were made available.”

The high-water mark for the Straton Model occurred in July 1966 when members of the Beijing Elementary Particle Group presented it at a summer physics colloquium organized by the China Association for Science and Technology. The opening ceremony was held in Tiananmen Square, in what was then China’s biggest conference centre, with attendees including Abdus Salam from Imperial College London. The only high-profile figure to be invited from the West, Salam was deemed acceptable because he was science advisor to the president of Pakistan, a country considered outside the western orbit.

The proceedings of the colloquium were later published as “Research on the theory of elementary particles carried out under the brilliant illumination of Mao Tse-Tung’s thought”. Its introduction was what Liu calls a “militant document” – designed to reinforce the idea that the authors were carrying Mao’s thought into scientific research to repudiate “decadent feudal, bourgeois and revisionist ideologies”.

Participants in Beijing had expected to make their advances known internationally by publishing the proceedings in English. But the Cultural Revolution had just begun two months before, and publications in English were forbidden. “As a result,” Liu told me, “the model had very limited influence outside China.” Sakata, however, had an important influence on Japanese theorists having co-authored the key paper on neutrino flavour oscillation (Prog. Theoretical. Physics 28 870).

A resurfaced effort

In recent years, Liu has shed new light on the Straton Model, writing a paper in the journal Chinese Annals of History of Science and Technology (2 85). In 2022, she also published a Chinese-language book entitled Constructing a Theory of Hadron Structure: Chinese Physicists’ Straton Model, which describes the downfall of the model after 1966. None of its predicted material particles appeared, though a candidate event once occurred in a cosmic ray observatory in the south of China.

By 1976, quantum chromodynamics (QCD) had convincingly emerged as the established model of hadrons. The effective end of the Straton Model took place at a conference in January 1980 in Conghua, near Hong Kong. Hung-Yuan Tzu, one of the key leaders of the Beijing Group, gave a paper entitled “Reminiscences of the Straton Model”, signalling that physics had moved on.

During our meeting at CERN, Liu showed me photos of the 1980 event. “It was a very important conference in the history of Chinese physics,” she said, “the first opening to Chinese physicists in the West”. Visits by Chinese expatriates were organized by Tsung-Dao Lee and Chen-Ning Yang, who shared the 1957 Nobel Prize for Physics for their work on parity violation.

The critical point

It is easy for westerners to mock the Straton Model; Sheldon Glashow once referred to it as about “Maons”. But Liu sees it as significant research that had many unexpected consequences, such as helping to advance physics research in China. “It gave physicists a way to pursue quantum field theory without having to do national defence work”.

The model also trained young researchers in particle physics and honed their research competence. After the post-Cultural Revolution reform and its opening to the West, these physicists could then integrate into the international community. “The story,” Liu said, “shows how ingeniously the Chinese physicists adapted to the political situation.”

The post The obscure physics theory that helped Chinese science emerge from the shadows appeared first on Physics World.

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